A few days back Solum set out an interesting post, part of a series exchanged with Leiter and others on orginalism and constitutional theory. If you scroll down a ways to come to a section about whether originalists have a a means of explicating or explaining the political authority of the Constitution. Solum phrases the issue slightly differently, but it is the same:
Solum:
In my post, I suggested that if
Brian were making this concession, then it would entail that that it is
the "semantic meaning" of the constitution that has a justified claim
of authority.
...
Interpretation One: The Two-Step Theory of Justified Authority. Leiter
might be suggesting that a two-step theory of justified authority is
required. In step one, the authority of the constitution is
justified. In step two, the authority of "a particular meaning" of the
constitution (or perhaps "a particular meaning of a particular
provision" of the constitution) is justified. But the requirement for
the second step is quite odd. Once we've established the justified
authority of the Constitution, the usual thought is that the work of
justifying authority is done. We don't need a separate account to
establish the justified authority of particular interpretations,
provisions, or meanings. The authority of the particular meaning
derives from the authority of the constitution.
Interpretation Two: Theories of Meaning Must Follow from Theories of Justified Authority. But
perhaps Leiter means something else. For example, his formulation of
the question, "why a particular meaning has a justified claim of
authority over us," might have been a bit off. His real point might be
that one's theory of constitutional meaning must fall out from one's
theory of justified constitutional authority. Then the picture would
be like this. First, justify the authority of the constitution.
Second, determine what theory of constitutional meaning follows from
one's theory of justified constitutional authority. Interpretation Two
seems consistent with the following passage from Leiter's post:
To
be committed to constitutionalism is to be committed to be bound by the
meaning of the words in a foundational social and political document of
some kind. Constitutionalism itself requires an account of its
normative authority, and it is possible such an account would entail
originalism. I am not aware of a compelling account of this kind
offered by originalists, but surely if there is one, someone can
articulate it or reference it.
The key is the second sentence: "Constitutionalism
itself requires an account of its normative authority, and it is
possible such an account would entail originalism." If
this is Leiter's position, he hasn't done the necessary work to
establish it. It's true that one' theory of constitutional meaning
must be consistent with one's theory of justified
constitutional authority, but it does not follow that a theory of
meaning will be derived from the theory of justified authority.
Indeed, it would be quite odd if it did. The normative authority of a
constitution and the semantic meaning of a constitution are quite
distinct. How could one derive a theory of semantic meaning from a
theory of normative authority?
I do not think either one of these is right. Take them in reverse order. Leiter does not seem to be saying that the salient theory of meaning "falls out of" the justification of authority. It may, but it is not necessary that it does. Solum sees this I think in noting that the interpretive theory must be consistent with the justificatory theory. It is true that semantics and justificatory theory are distinct, but that tells us nothing at all about the relations between the two sets. The rhetoric is nice, but it is not more. For example, no acceptable semantic theory can entail claims inconsistent with the justificatory theory. So you at least have limits on acceptable semantics. But that also means the justificatory theory has priority. That is a point originalists do not contend with. The first of Solum's interpretations goes off in the other direction. Authority, as relevant here, would attach to the Constitution, because the notion at work is political authority. Legal authority may well be (and I think it is) something else. That separate sense of authority flows out of accounts which presuppose the political authority of the Constitution. For example, magistrates, or police officers, or ordinances.
I think Leiter is right to claim that originalists fail to address seriously the issue of political authority. Barnett's work is a good example because he recognizes the issue. His work, e.g., Recovering the Lost Constitution, is an attempt at a form of originalism and is intended to provide a framework for the Constitution as politically binding. The unfortunate fact is that Barnett does not ever actually come to grips with that second point -- he has an interesting theory of originalism and an inter sting explanation of how it would work as interpretive guide. But the book nowhere explains how the Constitution is or could be binding.
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